The socio-religious condition of Kerala during the later medieval period was more
complex than in any other parts of the world. Feudalism widened the socio-economic
gap among the people of Kerala. It did not change until the second half of the 19th
century. The social organizations of the Hindus from the pre-British period had many
oppressive and undemocratic features. Almost all foreign travelers had described the
mysterious social practices of Kerala, which was a direct impact of the Brahmin
settlements of Kerala. The institution of caste was deep rooted in the social structure
of Kerala. It completely segregated the society into a number of self-contained
groups. Each group was obliged to safeguard its own exclusive characteristics,
interests and positions. They had their own governance, customs, traditions and style
of living. It also brings several social evils such as slavery, untouchability,
unseeability, unapproachability, pollution etc.
Untouchability was a unique phenomenon of the Hindu society. The term
untouchability meant teendal in Tamil and pula in Malayalam, which generally meant
“pollution”. The untouchability was legitimized by the Dharmashastras, therefore the
practice was followed by each and every member of the society in their day-to-day
life. (Nisar and Kandasamy 2007: 270) Before the Vedic period, there existed a
differentiation between the tribesmen and the “broken men’ from the alien tribes. Dr.
B.R. Ambedkar explained the term ‘broken men” as the people of unsettled
communities who lived as wanderers. They were primitive and virtually outside the
social system of the settled communities. (Ram 2008: 44) When the settled
communities began to start cultivation, they needed laborers the cultivation.Therefore, the broken men became the mercenaries of the settlers and later they
became untouchables.
The Vishnu Dharma Sutra compiled between the third and fourth century B.C.,
coined the term “untouchable” or asprsya for the first time, thereby legalizing the
pariah status of a vast sections of sudra toilers. (Kane 1930: 381-382) The period
between 600 BC and 200 B.C., untouchability became most popular in the society of
India. (Webster 1976: 2) According to Vivekanand Jha, untouchability began to take a
firm and definite shape with respect to a few groups up to 2nd century A.D. (Jha and
Habib, 2004, 14-31) Jha describes four phases in the early history of the untouchables.
(Ram, 2008, 44) According to him, the first phase ending up to 600 B.C. with several
tabooed sections of society during the Vedic period. The second phase extending up
to 2nd century A.D., and the third phase ending by 600 A.D., during which, the
practice of untouchability was intensified, but it was also resisted by the untouchables
themselves. The fourth phase extended up to 1200 A.D. and beyond during which the
ranks of untouchables swelled by incorporating several other castes and
untouchability reached at its peak. (Jha and Habib 2004: 31)
Untouchability is theoretically considered as a part of Varna system, which was
closely associated with the Hindu social order. In different periods that untouchables
were identified by various names. In the Vedic period, they were known as
Chandalas and in the medieval period, they were known as ‘achhuta’. During the
colonial period, the untouchables were named as the ‘exterior’ caste whereas in the
present time, generally they were known as scheduled castes by the Constitution of
India. Therefore, the term “untouchability” is commonly associated with the Dalit
communities of modern India. The simplest western image of untouchability is
embodied in the term “outcaste”. According to this, the untouchables are beyond the
Hindu culture and society and are generally characterized as cultureless.
After the Aryan settlements in India, the society was entirely divided into two
categories – the Aryans and the non-Aryans. The Aryans were fair complexioned and
claimed themselves as superior rank in the society. They were proud of their race,
language and religion. The Aryans considered the non-Aryans as non-human or
amanushya and also described them as Krishnavarna or dark-skinned. The dark-
skinned non-Aryans spoke softly and worshiped the phallus. They were socially and
economically suppressed by the Aryans. The birth of the non-Aryans was treated as
the birth of a dog, or a hog or a Chandala.
The origin of Chandala was explained first time in the Gautama Dharma Sutra.
According to Gautama Sutra, Chandala is the offspring of a male sudra and a
Brahmin woman and is the most reprehensible among those born in the indirect order
or prathiloma. They were always excluded from the society and their personality and
dignity was degraded. The Dharmashastras and Arthasastra of Kautilya described the
chandalas as untouchables. The untouchables of the Indian society were deeply
humiliated and crushed under the inhuman custom. Though there were many attempts
at Sanskritization in those times, the chandalas or the untouchables could not achieve
social mobility fully, because of their social barrier. (Pais 2004: 321) Their low
economic, political and social conditionsAfter the establishment of the Varna system, a group of inhabitants of India
incorporated with the Aryan culture and they claimed higher status in the social
hierarchy. They also started the practice of untouchability to the people, those who
were not incorporated into the Aryan culture. Majority of the early inhabitants of
India did not mingle with the Aryans and they constituted the hereditary castes of
untouchables.
The practice of untouchability was also legitimized by its claimed existence in
South India even during the ancient period. In South India, untouchability prevailed in
different forms of discrimination, exploitation and subjugation. The untouchables or
the Dalits have a long history of their origin in South India. On the basis of
Ambedkar’s thesis of the origin of untouchability, 4th century A.D. witnessed the
evolution of untouchability in the South Indian society. It was institutionalized in
Tamil Nadu and other parts of South India during the period of Raja Raja I (985 A.D
to 1016 A.D.), the Chola ruler. (Karashima 1997: 21-30) In Kerala, the Pulayas,
Parayas, Kuravas, Vedas, Nayadis were the important untouchable castes and they
were denied all fundamental rights of the human beings. (Desai 1998: 263)
Untouchability is not simply a caste reflection or caste phenomenon but is one of
the underlying socio-economic factors of semi feudal relations. The social oppression
of the untouchables had religious sanctions. They have been the victims of brutal
exploitation, local isolation, residential segregation, economic deprivation, political
subjugation and cultural degradation. In the pre-Capital agriculture society,
untouchability was used to maintain the exploitative relation between the feudal lords
and the serfs, the tenants and the slaves, the croppers and the bonded laborers.
The concept of purity and pollution played a crucial role in maintaining the social
distance between different castes. The pollution distance varied from caste to caste
and from place to place. Louis Dumont holds the notion of purity and pollution
interlinked with the caste system and untouchability. The hierarchy of caste was
decided according to the degree of purity and pollution. In the social structure of
India, Sudras were of the lowest rank in the social ladder and they were forced to
render services to the other three varnas. The higher varnas—Brahmins, Kshatriyas
and Vaisyas kept their ceremonial purity from the Sudras.
Dipankar Gupta observes the notion of purity and pollution as integrally linked
with the institution of untouchability. But unlike untouchability, the notion of purity
and pollution is also historical accretion. Over time this notion freed itself from its
specific and original task of separating the untouchables from others. The idea that
impurity can be transmitted by the mere shadow of an untouchable or by his
approaching within a certain distance created pollution to the higher castes. (Ghurye
1963: 8) Because of the pollution, the untouchables were not allowed to enter public
places.
Various forms of subordination of one class of human beings by another were
swept away in India not by any revolutionary upheaval; on the contrary their
characteristics accumulated and mutated sometimes under the impact of capitalism to
produce an extraordinary amalgam of the modern and the archaic. (Patnaik and
Dingwany 1985: 1) While subordination and bondage were the characteristics of many
aspects of social life, agresti